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Progress in language without progress in power is not enough.

South Africa has done it, hosting the G20 Summit on African soil for the first time, and against all odds. It marks a powerful symbolic shift: Africa at the centre of the world’s most influential economic table, speaking not from the periphery but from its own ‘philosophical foundations,  ubuntu.’ The success of this summit is also reflected in the way the language of justice, solidarity, and equity was advanced throughout the discussions. 


This blog analyses two key documents; the Leaders’ Declaration and the Debt Sustainability Ministerial Declaration, to assess what shifted, what stalled, and what remains structurally unaddressed. 


Some of the African priorities captured in the Leaders Declaration include: energy access, critical minerals, industrialisation, African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), food security, representation at the IMF, and youth employment. The recognition that ‘over 600 million Africans lack electricity access and that two million die annually from lack of clean cooking’ repositioned Africa’s development emergencies at the centre of G20 deliberations. The creation of a 25th IMF Board chair for Sub-Saharan Africa is historic. The one concern would be a representation without redistribution of power, it will not not equal influence. The G20 speaks Africa’s language more fluently in 2025. But the rules of the game remain largely unchanged. 


The G20 Leaders’ Declaration uses powerful language on climate action, reaffirming global temperature goals, just transitions, and the need to support developing countries. But despite the strong narrative, the commitments remain shallow, relying on voluntary measures and market-led solutions rather than concrete structural shifts. The Declaration affirms: 

  • the 1.5°C limit,

  • just transition pathways,

  • adaptation as a priority,

  • loss & damage recognition,

  • and trillions needed for developing countries.


These are important discursive wins for the Global South. But what’s missing is louder:

  • No fossil fuel phaseout commitment.

  • No end to fossil subsidies.

  • No obligation for high-income countries to deliver grant-based climate finance.

  • Heavy emphasis on “technologically neutral transitions,” a door left open for gas, nuclear, hydrogen, and carbon capture. 

  • Climate finance is to be mobilised largely through private capital, blended finance, and MDB risk-sharing.

In justice terms, this is climate mitigation without accountability, and climate finance without historic responsibility. Climate justice demands public, non-debt, rights-based financing. The G20 offers market tools instead. 


The Debt Sustainability Ministerial Declaration (October 2025) reads as a technical diagnosis, rich in detail but thin in structural ambition. What the G20 acknowledges - which is good - is: 

  • Debt is a major barrier to development.

  • Low-income countries face high financing costs, big refinancing needs, and private capital outflows.

  • Low income countries (LIC) Debt Sustainability Framework needs reform.

  • Crisis clauses, debt swaps, and liability management tools have value.

  • Borrower voices need more space in discussions.

What stays missing (and dangerous):

  • No proposal for a sovereign debt workout mechanism.

  • No permanent suspension of debt during climate disasters.

  • No recognition of climate-created debt burdens.

  • No commitment to cancel debt, only restructure it.

  • No challenge to the political power of credit rating agencies.

  • No critique of IMF surcharges.

  • No shift away from the Common Framework, despite its widely admitted failures.


Five years after its creation, the Common Framework has only delivered treatments for four countries: Zambia, Chad, Ghana, Ethiopia, and each took painfully long. And yet, the G20 reaffirms it as the cornerstone of the global debt architecture. This is the equivalent of acknowledging that a bridge is collapsing, while insisting it is still the main route across the river.


Both declarations reinforce MDBs as the primary engines of development and climate action. The reforms emphasised are:

  • capital adequacy reforms (to lend more),

  • risk-sharing with private investors,

  • new instruments to leverage capital markets,

  • sustainable finance architecture “interoperability.”

But not a word about:

  • democratising MDB governance,

  • ending fossil fuel support,

  • conditionality reform,

  • ensuring communities directly benefit from renewable projects,

  • gender- and youth-responsive financing,

  • or ensuring that Global South voices shape lending priorities.

MDB reform is framed as efficiency, not accountability; as leverage, not justice.


Energy Transitions:

The G20’s commitments on energy transitions appear ambitious at first glance: pledges to triple global renewable energy capacity, improve energy efficiency, expand access to clean cooking, and scale decentralised energy systems signal a recognition of the scale of the crisis and the urgency of action. These are undeniably important steps. Yet their transformative potential is weakened by the familiar ambiguities embedded in the framework. The insistence on “technological neutrality” leaves wide openings for fossil gas and other contested technologies to remain part of the energy mix. Missing too is any agenda for community-owned renewable energy, any strategy for social ownership, and any commitment to phase down “transition fuels” that prolong fossil dependence. 


Ultimately, justice in the energy transition hinges on who owns and who benefits from new energy systems, not just who finances them. But the G20’s approach remains largely investment-driven, privileging capital flows over community power, and leaving the deeper structural questions of equity and ownership unanswered. 


Critical Minerals: 

The G20 Critical Minerals Framework is presented as a significant gesture toward African priorities, emphasising beneficiation at source, value addition, stronger governance standards, and greater diversification of global supply chains. On the surface, it speaks directly to long-standing demands that mineral-rich countries move beyond exporting raw materials toward capturing more value domestically. Yet beneath this promising language lies a stark silence on the core justice issues that define extractive economies. Missing entirely are commitments to community consent, robust environmental safeguards, protections against corporate abuse, pathways that challenge extractivist models, and the rights of Indigenous and frontline communities whose lands are most affected. 


The minerals narrative may be geographically centred on Africa and Asia, but it is structurally oriented toward global demand, not local rights. In its current form, the Framework risks reproducing historical patterns of extraction, this time wrapped in the language of transition minerals rather than development. 


Ubuntu As a Frame, But Not Yet a Paradigm

Ubuntu appears prominently in the opening of the Leaders’ Declaration, signalling an intention to ground the summit in an African ethic of shared humanity and mutual responsibility. Yet the solidarity that Ubuntu demands is not meaningfully embedded in the actual structures of global governance. It is absent from global debt rules that still prioritise creditor interests, from climate finance obligations that continue to burden vulnerable nations, from trade systems that entrench inequality, and from the power dynamics of Bretton Woods institutions where the Global South remains marginal. 


Without concrete shifts in these architectures, Ubuntu risks being reduced to a poetic gesture rather than a guiding paradigm. Beautiful as a metaphor, it has not yet been translated into a model capable of reshaping how power, resources, and responsibility are distributed in the global economy. 


So What Does Transformative Action Call For?

  1. A Sovereign Debt Workout Mechanism.

  2. Cancellation of unsustainable and climate-generated debt.

  3. A public-led, community-centred energy transition (not “technological neutrality,” but clear fossil phaseout pathways). 

  4. Public financing, not blended finance dependency.

  5. Democratisation of MDB governance (Africa and the Global South must have decision-making power, not just representation).

  6. Critical minerals governance rooted in rights.

  7. Embedding Ubuntu into actual policy architecture, not a rhetorical flourish, a guiding principle that redistributes power, resources, and agency.


The 2025 G20 Summit in South Africa is a milestone for the Global South and an affirmation of Africa's intellectual and political leadership. The declarations reflect moral progress, recognition of historic injustices, climate realities, and development emergencies. 


For real transformation, the world needs more than high-level commitments. It needs a global economic system that embodies the Ubuntu the G20 invoked: shared humanity, shared responsibility, shared power. Until then, the G20 offers an opening, but it is movements, communities, and Global South leadership that must push the door fully open.